Chapter One. Introduction: The Dual
Absences of Extinction and Marginality—What
Difference Does an Indigenous Presence Make?
Maximilian C. Forte
[click here for a
copy of the chapter in PDF format--146 kb]
Abstract:
In
this introductory chapter the primary themes of the volume
(presence, identities, rights, relations with the nation-state, and
regional organization) are related to one another, whilst providing
an analytical overview of the contemporary situation of indigenous
peoples in the Caribbean and some of the challenges they face in
making their identities present. The arguments presented hinge on
the view that acknowledgement of the presence of the indigenous in
Caribbean societies significantly challenges not just previous
scholarly displacements and erasures of indigenous survival and
indigenous inputs in the creation of local Creole cultural
practices, but also political and economic processes that have the
effect of marginalizing contemporary Amerindians. The dual theme
here is of extinction and marginality—the former speaking of
Amerindians as an absence, the latter proceeding as if they were in
fact absent. This dual theme is used to frame the combination of
both Island and Mainland cases in this volume, where extinction
theses have pertained mostly to the former, while marginalization on
multiple levels continues to confront the latter. The chapter
contains a review of the main currents in the historical and
anthropological literature pertaining to the Amerindian presence.
Issues surrounding definitions of survival and revival, continuity
and change, essentialism and constructionism, and authenticity and
invention are also debated. Through a concise overview of the
chapters in this volume, the introduction argues that no proper
understanding of the contemporary Caribbean can be achieved without
understanding and appreciating the meanings surrounding continued
and renewed indigeneity.
Chapter Two. Taíno Survivals:
Cacique Panchito, Caridad de los Indios, Cuba
JOSÉ BARREIRO
Abstract:
This
chapter consists of three main elements. The first is a
reconsideration of the documentary history of eastern Cuba that
attests to the continued presence of an indigenous population of
Taíno descent. Numerous historical sources are examined, shedding
light on documents and testimonials that have long been overlooked.
Second, the chapter also provides an account of the presence of
Cuban Amerindians in the Cuban independence struggle, specifically
with reference to the Hatuey Regiment. Thirdly, the chapter takes us
to meet Panchito Ramirez, the elder cacique of Caridad de los
Indios, in eastern Cuba, general center of many people of Native
Cuban extraction. He is a man of knowledge and singular talent for
gentle and wise leadership. Panchito speaks a deep language of love
of the Cuban earth and of the Taíno Indian identity passed down to
him by his grandparents. He speaks of dreams and of survival
throughout Cuban history to achieve a continuous presence that now
re-emerges.
Chapter Three. Ocama-Daca Taíno
(Hear Me, I Am Taíno): Taíno Survival on Hispaniola,
Focusing on the Dominican Republic
LYNNE GUITAR, PEDRO FERBEL-AZCARATE, and JORGE ESTEVEZ
Abstract:
The island of Hispaniola, shared by the Dominican
Republic and the Republic of Haiti, was the heart of the flourishing
Taíno culture that, by the 1490s, encompassed most of the Greater
Antilles region. It was also on Hispaniola, arising in the first
half of the 16th century, that the myth of Taíno
extinction began. The most prevalent reason for the creation of this
myth was the campaign of the Dominican friars, led by Bartolomé de
las Casas, to abolish the encomienda system and replace it with a
mission system for the conversion of the Native Peoples. Further, a
myth of Taíno extinction provided the Spanish Crown with a perfect
cover-up, concealing its inability to exert absolute control over
the resisting Taínos. Finally, Taíno extinction provided a rationale
for those colonists who benefited from the importation of African
people as slaves. Over the years, the
extinction myth was transformed in multiple ways to suit national
and class interests, which helps explain its tenaciousness in the
Dominican ethos. After centuries of unquestioning acceptance of
Taíno extinction, some scholars are beginning to challenge the
assumption. Indeed, recent historical, ethnographic,
ethno-archaeological, linguistic, and DNA studies are demonstrating
multidisciplinary evidence for both Taíno cultural and biological
survival. This chapter examines the new evidence and takes an
in-depth look at the paradoxical situation of today’s Dominican
Taínos. While their fellow Dominicans value the pre-Columbian Taíno
cultural heritage, they disclaim the existence of Taíno descendants.
This is partly because so many authorities over the centuries have
perpetuated the myth of Taíno extinction, and partly because complex
questions about ethnicity aggravate the already problematical areas
of “race” and identity in this politically and economically troubled
nation. Ironically, but understandably, the various Taíno revival
movements began in Puerto Rico and in the U.S.A. among Taínos of the
diaspora. Hopes are that, with the weight of all the new
evidence—which sparks yet more new studies—the revival is
approaching a critical mass and Taíno survival will soon be
recognized in the original Taíno homeland.
Chapter Four. Placing the Carib
Model Village: The Carib Territory and Dominican Tourism
KELVIN SMITH
Abstract:
A ‘Carib Model
Village’ was first suggested by indigenous activists within the
Carib Territory of Dominica in the mid 1970s. It was envisaged as a
center of indigenous arts and crafts, providing education for the
community and a focus of indigeneity for those who visited the Carib
Territory. From the late 1970s to the early 1990s the project was
considered by various national, regional and international funding
bodies, until it was finally realized in 1998 through funding from
the Caribbean Development Bank. In 2003, however, the completed
project remained unused, falling into disrepair. Whilst various
tales of political and development contest and intrigue surround the
project, this chapter looks at the Carib Model Village using
paradigms and theories of spatial production and perception. The
placement of the project within the social landscape is considered
and how it effects the construction of that space. This links to two
notions of ‘place’ through which the Model Village is recognized.
It is a ‘place’ for performing a Carib identity, and is thus
situated within the dominating structures of tourist perception of
the island and the Carib Territory. However, this contrasts to a
concept of the Model Village as a ‘place’ of Carib performativity,
in which an indigenous identity is reiterated by the re-enactment of
indigenous practices. It is suggested that the inability to
negotiate this spatial tension has led to the Model Village’s
current displaced situation.
Chapter Five. Land Ownership and the
Construction of Carib Identity in St. Vincent
PAUL TWINN
Abstract:
This paper sets out how a chain of events precipitated by the
eruption of the Soufriere volcano in 1979 led to a resurgence in a
sense of Carib community in the north windward area of St. Vincent
W.I. It traces how the effects of the eruption led, as it had own a
previous occasion, to a decision by the owners of the Orange Hill
Estate to sell up. However, whereas on the previous occasion this
had occurred within a colonial setting, by the time of the second
sell off of the largest plantation on the island St. Vincent was a
newly independent nation. The sale of the property to a group of
Danes led to an island wide debate, which encompassed issues not
only of Carib identity and identification with the land but also of
national integrity, extended beyond the islands themselves to
emigrant groups overseas. The issues raised by the land sale became
entwined within wider discourses of Native American rights, slavery
and conquest. It also served to refocus national attention on a
group of people who had hitherto been marginalized within the nation
state. Foremost in this were, to use Gramsci’s term, a group of
organic intellectuals who were able to effectively put the case
for the indigenous rights of the Carib Community and the
implementation of a land settlement scheme in the north of the
island.
Chapter Six. “In This Place Where I
Was Chief”: History and Ritual in the Maintenance and
Retrieval of Traditions in the Carib Community of Arima,
Trinidad
RICARDO BHARATH HERNANDEZ and MAXIMILIAN C. FORTE
Abstract:
This chapter
outlines and explores the cultural practices of the Santa Rosa Carib
Community, a formal organization located in Arima, Trinidad,
consisting of a core of roughly 45 individuals related through ties
of kinship, and a supporting network of over 300 individuals in the
wider Arima area. This is a community that has long been neglected
in the modern historical and anthropological literature on Trinidad
and thus, to a limited extent, the aim of this chapter is to outline
the nature of the identity and history of this body. The leadership
of the Carib Community has publicly acknowledged that its activities
represent part of Trinidad’s ethnic revivals of the last three
decades. In addition, multiple projects have been developed for
maintaining, preserving and retrieving lost cultural traditions, in
part through ‘cultural interchange’ with neighbouring Amerindian
communities in the Caribbean Basin. The authors will discuss and
analyze the ways in which certain material practices, objects,
private religious rituals, and kinship ties have served to maintain
a focus and sense of communal bonding and veneration for indigenous
ancestry amongst the members of this population. The temporal scope
of the chapter focuses largely on the period from the 1970s to the
present, with some preliminary consideration of the history of Arima
as an Indian Mission and as an area of Trinidad that has been
recognized by both state and society for possessing an organized
body of indigenous descendants.
Chapter Seven. “These Forests Have
Always Been Ours”: Official and Amerindian Discourses on
Guyana’s Forest Estate
JANETTE BULKAN and ARIF BULKAN
Abstract:
This chapter shows how forest policy was one of the
projects of State building in British Guiana destined, over time, to
become a legitimating instrument that constituted, dispersed and
influenced the shaping of norms and responses by State and
Amerindians.
The documented and oral records of resistances to this colonial
project are also presented. The
discussion then moves to the Structural Adjustment initiatives from
the mid 1980s, funded principally by multilateral agencies like the
World Bank and IMF, that included reform of the national forest
policy as part of a suite of reforms imposed as loan
conditionalities. The relationships between new state authorities
(e.g. the Environmental Protection Agency), regulations and actors
vis-à-vis the entrenched practices of the State regulatory agencies
(Guyana Forestry Commission, Guyana Geology and Mines Commission,
Lands and Surveys Commission, etc.) over forests and forest
resources are examined. The fundamental issues of resource
allocation that lie behind these discursive strategies are also
discussed. The chapter presents the forms taken by the responses
(including resistance) of local forest peoples, including
non-Amerindians, the wider national society, and international
indigenous rights’ organizations to the new tools, methodologies and
forest classificatory systems. The chapter also includes a
discussion of international standards regarding indigenous rights re
forests, as contained in the draft UN Declaration, the ILO
Convention No. 169, and the draft OAS Declaration, and traces the
ways in which indigenous (self) identification has been strategic,
instrumental and positional in the same periods.
Chapter Eight. Indigenous and Tribal
Peoples in Suriname: A Human Rights Perspective
FERGUS MACKAY
Abstract:
Suriname is a small former Dutch
colony on the north-east coast of mainland South America. It is a
member of CARICOM and according to historical and demographic
factors is considered to be Caribbean rather than Latin American.
Until recently, its substantial tropical rainforests, which cover at
least 80 percent of the surface area of the country, were regarded
as one of the best prospects for long term, sustainable use and
conservation. These forests are the ancestral home of five distinct
indigenous peoples comprising up to five percent of the population
and six tribal peoples (known as Maroons) totaling between ten and
fifteen percent of the population. In real numbers, this translates
as approximately 20,000 indigenous people and 40-60,000 tribal
people. Less than 30 years ago, Suriname was one of the most
prosperous states in South America. A brutal military dictatorship,
civil war, endemic corruption, declining prices for bauxite and the
periodic suspension of Dutch aid money has left the country with
serious economic problems. In an attempt to secure revenue to
service foreign debt and stimulate economic recovery, Suriname has
granted numerous concessions for gold, bauxite and timber that
encompass close to 40 percent of the country’s land mass.
Additionally, some 30,000 Brazilian garimpeiros have been
licensed to mine by the state. In most cases, these concessions have
been granted on lands traditionally occupied and used by indigenous
and tribal peoples, provoking serious conflict and allegations of
widespread human rights abuses. While Suriname claims that the
concessions will provide desperately needed revenue, analyses of
contracts for both logging and mining operations have revealed that
the Surinamese treasury will receive few if any benefits and that
the environment and indigenous and tribal peoples will suffer
irreparable harm. Indigenous and tribal peoples, whose rights to
their territories and resources are not recognized in Surinamese
law, have vigorously condemned this invasion of their lands and
territories. They have demanded that all existing concessions be
suspended and that no more be issued until their rights are
recognized in accordance with international human rights standards
and enforceable guarantees are in place in Surinamese law. They
have also begun to organize and proactively seek recognition and
protection of their rights in various domestic and international
fora.This
article will provide an overview of the situation of indigenous and
tribal peoples in Suriname and will analyze this situation from a
human rights perspective and describe the measures that indigenous
and tribal peoples have employed to seek recognition and protection
of their rights. Particular attention will be paid to two cases
involving Maroons presently pending before the Inter-American human
rights system.
Chapter Nine. Cultural Identity
among Rural Garifuna Migrants in Belize City, Belize
JOSEPH O. PALACIO
Abstract:
A survey of sixty household heads of Garifuna migrants living in Belize City
reveals continuity of practices, social ties and identifications they brought
from the village, as well as some changes in their cultural identity, induced by
the urban social setting. There is a backdrop for the survey in terms of the
prolonged migratory tradition of the Garifuna and significant pre-independence
cultural transformations overtaking Belize, and especially felt in Belize City.
There is an analysis of the significance of rural/urban transition on identity
and, more particularly, on the cultural identity of the Garifuna as indigenous
people.
Chapter Ten. Disputing
Aboriginality: French Amerindians in European Guiana
GÉRARD COLLOMB
Abstract:
The context of globalization has opened the way for a
crisis in modern societies, leading to a questioning of the
nation-state, and facing the rise of specific identity affirmations.
This is all the more the case in France, were the state is based on
patterns of nation and citizenship in which cultural assimilation
processes prevail. The paper proposes to deal with these questions
with reference to the Amerindian political movement in French
Guyana, a so-called French departement d’outre-mer (i.e. an
"overseas department"). The simultaneous emergence of this movement
and the call for more local political autonomy of French Guyana has
set up a complex situation multiplying for the Amerindians the
question of identity to three levels: the French nation, a
"Guyanese" nation to come, and the strong affirmation of a native
identity.
The Amerindian
political movement in French Guyana originated in the 1980s among
the Kali’na (Caribs) on the bases of a territorial claim as well as
a call for the recognition of their culture and indigenous language.
These claims were addressed to the French state, thus reproducing a
long established relationship between France and the indigenous
peoples during the colonial era. However in the last decade the
Amerindians of Guyana (Arawak, Emerillons, Kali’na, Palikur, Wayana,
Wayapi) have developed different political strategies in that they
initiated a move unto the transnational stage developed by the
indigenous political bodies from greater Amazonia (such as the
Movement of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin, or COICA),
as well as by working groups piloted by NGOs or by the United
Nations’ offices at Geneva, where potential new international laws
concerning the Indigenous people are being discussed. Through these
processes, the Amerindians of French Guyana have succeeded in
breaking their exclusive link with the state, established during the
colonial era. This opening of the Indigenous Guyanese movement to
the international community led them also to deeply reconfigure
their discourses and arguments and to create new trans-boundary
cooperation. And, above all, it has legitimized the notion of the
‘indigenous peoples’, hereafter central in the political discourse
of peoples who, in the recent past, had to see themselves as mere
‘minorities’ belonging to a nation-state as a unitary whole. But
their revindication of this specific status is in conflict with the
ongoing definition of the common ‘imagined community’ (following
Benedict Anderson), Guyana, seen by the Creole political elite as
gathering all ethnic groups in a multi-cultural country, which some
day could become important to support tomorrow’s autonomy or
independence.
Chapter Eleven. Looking at Ourselves
in the Mirror: The Caribbean Organization of Indigenous
Peoples (COIP)
JOSEPH O. PALACIO
Abstract:
In 1988-89 a series of events took place in various
territories of CARICOM gradually climaxing in a seminal gathering in
St. Vincent that led to the birth of the Caribbean Organization of
Indigenous Peoples (COIP). It was the fist time after the first
peoples of the subregion had roamed with ease from one part to the
other that their descendants met on their own terms to discuss
matters of mutual importance. Those of us at the gathering could not
believe our eyes and senses when we met, shook hands, hugged, and
cried with each other—so happy were we about this once in a lifetime
opportunity. The event was a mirror where we saw ourselves for the
first time. This article will trace the beginning and trajectory of
the COIP—the inspiration for its formation, the gathering at St.
Vincent, setting up the Secretariat in Belize, the main achievements
of the Secretariat and its difficulties, and the demise of the
Secretariat and ultimately the COIP in the 1990s. The other
spotlight on the COIP as a mirror will take the form of a reflective
exercise in which I will engage as the Coordinator of the
Secretariat. It will be my observations as a Garifuna
academic-cum-activist on my role—how I became the Coordinator; my
efforts to insert the Caribbean within the hemispheric wide movement
of Indigenous Peoples; and the several structural problems that
plagued the COIP constituents from taking off. The latter include
economic poverty, representativity, the interminable squabbles among
indigenous peoples within some countries, and the difficulty to see
beyond the horizon at any moment. But the biggest difficulty, I
think, was the unease that persons felt about themselves as
indigenous peoples. Inevitably this led to the fruitless question
of who was more indigenous than the other. Ironically, this was the
legacy of colonialism playing a cruel game on the people who had
lost their very being to enable the colonial settlers to strive and
impose their racist ideology throughout the Caribbean.
The paper will end
with lessons learned from the COIP on the formation of organizations
within the Caribbean to participate in the world indigenous peoples
movement. This is important as we come to the end of the UN Declared
decade of Indigenous Peoples in 2005.
Chapter Twelve. A Bridge for the
Journey: Trajectory of the Indigenous Legacies of the
Caribbean Encounters, 1997–2003
JOSÉ BARREIRO
Abstract:
This chapter tells the story of the eight year
journey of emergence in the Cuban mountains of the long-standing
Cuban Indian (Taíno-descended) community at Caridad de los Indios,
Manuel Tames Municipality, Guantanamo, Cuba. It tells the story of
the community currently led and guided by the elder, don Francisco
(Panchito) Ramirez Rojas, in the context of the creation of an eight
year forum, the Indigenous Legacies of the Caribbean.
An encounter took place in the Cuban mountains in
1995. Several travelers met in the dark of tropical rain with the
cacique, at the start of a long adventure behind the cacique's
invitation to bring Native people from the Four Directions and any
other visitors who would explore and entertain the topic of the
conference. Thus begins a great cultural exchange that culminates,
seven years later in the repatriation of Cuban Taíno human remains,
from the Smithsonian Institution in the United States, to Cuba, and
more specifically to the more recently recognized and incipiently
better endowed Taíno-guajiro community, for proper and respectful
reburial. The intervening years witnessed many expressions of
personal narrative, ceremony, round-table discussions and other
presentations on music, political concept, historical appearance,
spiritual and literary manifestations, food, agriculture and most
specially, medicinal applications, still present from our common
indigenous legacy of the Caribbean.
Chapter Thirteen. Searching for a
Center in the Digital Ether: Notes on the Indigenous
Caribbean Resurgence on the Internet
Maximilian C. Forte
Abstract:
This chapter explores several
issues and problems concerning the media and outcomes of indigenous
self-representation on the Internet, especially those cultural
practices that utilize the Internet as a means of challenging myths
of extinction and realities of marginalization. This chapter is
based on the author’s six years of experience in coordinating and
developing two resources related to the Caribbean indigenous
resurgence on the Internet—the Caribbean Amerindian Centrelink
and Kacike: The Journal of Caribbean Amerindian History and
Anthropology—in addition to experience as the web developer for
the Santa Rosa Carib Community of Arima, Trinidad. Several questions
will be concisely explored as a means of rounding out this section
of the volume pertaining to regional and international networking
and organization. Amongst these questions are: 1) To what extent has
the Internet been useful in furthering Caribbean indigenous goals of
self-representation, regional organization and actual change ‘on the
ground’? 2) What are the challenges facing Caribbean indigenous
utilization of the Internet? 3) Are the self-representations
propagated via the Internet a mirror of what we see offline? 4) How
far have myths of extinction and realities of marginalization been
successfully challenged via Internet communication? The chapter will
conclude that, by and large, only a select minority of indigenous
Caribbean communities has been in the position to make most use of
the Internet, and yet, the Internet may become to indigenous
resurgence what the printing press was for early European
nationalists.
Chapter Fourteen. Conclusion.
“Before, We Were Asleep: Now We Must Awake from Our Sleep
and Move Forward”
ARTHUR EINHORN
Abstract:
Einhorn provides a closing commentary to the volume, stemming from many decades
as an anthropological researcher and teacher, with both knowledge and personal
ties spanning Native North America and the Caribbean, and with personal
experience in assisting in the further development of those ties. His commentary
is a reflective piece on the colonial history of the Caribbean and its impacts
on indigenous peoples, as well as a discussion of the parallels between the
histories and resurgences of Native North American and Caribbean indigenous
peoples. His chapter is organized under the following headings:
The American Mediterranean;
The Caribbean in an Era of Globalization; The
“Extinction” Problematique; Colonialism: Caribbean-North American Parallels;
Amerindian Transformations; A Crashing Civilization; Challenges to Amerindian
Survival: Comparing the Caribbean and North America, The Mainland, The Greater Antilles,
The Lesser Antilles; and,
Amerindian Identity since
1992.