The following is a select listing of additional resources that complement readings and lectures in this course, which students may find interesting. For the most part, these are not articles in academic journals; see the course bibliography instead for such sources. Links often expire, in which case you can copy and paste a link from below into the search box on the\u00a0Wayback Machine<\/a>, or enter the title of the item as a search term in an Internet search engine, as it may have been reproduced on another site.<\/em><\/p>\n\n Watch Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz explain globalization in three minutes<\/strong><\/a> Neoliberalism \u2013 the ideology at the root of all our problems<\/strong><\/a> The Global 1%: Exposing the Transnational Ruling Class<\/strong><\/a> Davos elite alarmed at prospect of nominee Trump<\/strong><\/a> Trump angst looms over economic elite at IMF meetings<\/strong><\/a> This Was the Week the World Got Really Anxious About Globalization\u2019s Future<\/strong><\/a> Globalization Threatening Latin American Cultural Expression, Expert Says<\/strong><\/a> Diego Fusaro: Defending Culture Against Globalisation<\/strong><\/a> Imperial Abduction Lore and Humanitarian Seduction<\/strong><\/a> Iatrogenic Imperialism: NGOs and CROs as Agents of Questionable Care<\/strong><\/a> US Imperialism and Disaster Capitalism in Haiti<\/strong><\/a> Who Needs Me Most? New Imperialist Ideologies in Youth-Centred Volunteer Abroad Programs<\/strong><\/a> Globalization, Compression, and the Desire for Intervention<\/a> Western do-gooders need to resist the allure of \u2018exotic problems\u2019<\/strong><\/a> 11 of the best aid parodies<\/strong><\/a> Gates Foundation accused of \u2018dangerously skewing\u2019 aid priorities by promoting \u2018corporate globalisation\u2019<\/strong><\/a> Dollar Imperialism, 2015 Edition<\/strong><\/a> Map: The U.S. is bound by treaties to defend a quarter of humanity<\/strong><\/a> Instances of Use of United States Armed Forces Abroad, 1798-2015<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n Map: 200 years of US military interventions<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n A chronology of US military interventions in the wider Caribbean region (33 interventions just between 1898 and 1925)<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n\n Overthrowing other people\u2019s governments: The Master List<\/strong><\/a> 35 countries where the U.S. has supported fascists, drug lords and terrorists<\/strong><\/a> Chapter 12, The Empire and the People, by Howard Zinn<\/strong><\/a> The American Quest for Empire<\/strong><\/a> America\u2019s 100 Years of Overthrow<\/strong><\/a> Author Kinzer Charts \u2018Century of Regime Change\u2019<\/strong><\/a> When the Great Power Gets a Vote: The Effects of Great Power Electoral Interventions on Election Results<\/strong><\/a>Globalization & Neoliberalism: What They Mean<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
\u201cGlobalization. It\u2019s a term we hear thrown around all the time \u2013 even more so since Britain voted to leave the EU in a decision that was widely seen as a rejection of globalization. But what does it actually mean? That\u2019s a tough one to answer, simply because it signifies different things to different people, as Manfred Steger explains in his widely read introduction to the topic. \u2018Globalization has been variously used in both popular and academic literature to describe a process, a condition, a system, a force, and an age\u2019.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cIts anonymity is both a symptom and cause of its power. It has played a major role in a remarkable variety of crises: the financial meltdown of 2007\u20118, the offshoring of wealth and power, of which the Panama Papers offer us merely a glimpse, the slow collapse of public health and education, resurgent child poverty, the epidemic of loneliness, the collapse of ecosystems, the rise of Donald Trump. But we respond to these crises as if they emerge in isolation, apparently unaware that they have all been either catalysed or exacerbated by the same coherent philosophy; a philosophy that has \u2013 or had \u2013 a name. What greater power can there be than to operate namelessly? So pervasive has neoliberalism become that we seldom even recognise it as an ideology. We appear to accept the proposition that this utopian, millenarian faith describes a neutral force; a kind of biological law, like Darwin\u2019s theory of evolution. But the philosophy arose as a conscious attempt to reshape human life and shift the locus of power. Neoliberalism sees competition as the defining characteristic of human relations. It redefines citizens as consumers, whose democratic choices are best exercised by buying and selling, a process that rewards merit and punishes inefficiency. It maintains that \u201cthe market\u201d delivers benefits that could never be achieved by planning.\u201d<\/p>\n\nGlobal Elites \/ Transnational Capitalist Class<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
\u201cAbstract: This study asks Who are the the world\u2019s 1 percent power elite? And to what extent do they operate in unison for their own private gains over benefits for the 99 percent? We examine a sample of the 1 percent: the extractor sector, whose companies are on the ground extracting material from the global commons, and using low-cost labor to amass wealth. These companies include oil, gas, and various mineral extraction organizations, whereby the value of the material removed far exceeds the actual cost of removal. We also examine the investment sector of the global 1 percent: companies whose primary activity is the amassing and reinvesting of capital. This sector includes global central banks, major investment money management firms, and other companies whose primary efforts are the concentration and expansion of money, such as insurance companies. Finally, we analyze how global networks of centralized power\u2014the elite 1 percent, their companies, and various governments in their service\u2014plan, manipulate, and enforce policies that benefit their continued concentration of wealth and power. We demonstrate how the US\/NATO military-industrial-media empire operates in service to the transnational corporate class for the protection of international capital in the world.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201d \u2018Unbelievable\u2019, \u2019embarrassing\u2019 even \u2018dangerous\u2019 are some of the words the financial elite gathered at the World Economic Forum conference in the Swiss resort of Davos have been using to describe U.S. Republican presidential frontrunner Donald Trump\u2026.Trump\u2019s nationalist rhetoric, particularly proposals to ban Muslims from entering the United States, tax goods made abroad and build a wall on the Mexican border, were never the sort of thing to appeal to the free trade crowd that typically gathers at events like the annual Davos economic forum.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cThe world\u2019s economic elite spent this week invoking fears of protectionism and the existential crisis facing globalisation while avoiding any mention of Donald Trump by name. But the US presidential candidate and his anti-establishment politics have loomed large at this week\u2019s annual meetings in Washington of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. He has been a sort of Voldemort for the global economic order \u2014 like the villain in Harry Potter, his name is spoken only in hushed tones and behind closed doors.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cWeak global trade, fears that the U.K. is marching towards a hard Brexit, and\u00a0polls indicating that the U.S. election remains a tighter call than markets are pricing in\u00a0have led a\u00a0bevy of analysts to redouble their warnings that a backlash over globalization is poised to roil\u00a0global financial markets\u2014with profound consequences for the real economy and investment strategies. From the economists and politicians at the annual\u00a0IMF meeting in Washington to strategists on Wall Street trying to advise clients, everyone seems to be pondering a future in which cooperation and global trade may\u00a0look much different than they do now.\u201d<\/p>\n\nGlobalization & Cultural Imperialism<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
\u201cLatin American cultural expression is being threatened by globalization and new technologies, which have serious consequences that people are beginning to lose their separate identities, Silvia Rosa Martinez, a Peruvian expert in Intangible Cultural Heritage said.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cAt a time in which cultural arguments are made to defend political unions based purely on neoliberal economic models, it is important to remember the difference between culture and economics. Political unions are principally made for political and economic purposes, not cultural ones. In confusing culture with political models derived from the sphere of economics we damage the original idea of culture itself, and we ultimately become accomplices to the anti-cultural project of economic globalisation: the destruction of cultural variety in the name of misunderstood notions of equality. This ultimately leads to a world with One dominant culture, which according to Fusaro\u2019s logic means the end of all culture itself.\u201d<\/p>\n\nGlobalization, NGOs, & \u201cHumanitarian Intervention\u201d<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
\u201cTwo of the most enduring beliefs, among at least the political elites and a substantial portion of the wider population in North America, are that military intervention abroad and all sorts of other less forceful interventions, are: (a) for the good of other societies, whose lives and whose very nature as human beings will experience progress as a result of our intervention; and, (b) that the security of the intervening society will thus be enhanced, while its global leadership will also be secured.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cMilitary interventions by powerful nations have increasingly occurred under the justification of humanitarian values and principles. In deploying a moral imperative to act for the benefit of the maximum number of innocent lives, the destructive aspects and politics of intervening are often overlooked. This chapter concerns a similar pattern being reproduced in healthcare worldwide. In the wake of the retreat of the state in matters of welfare provoked by the pressures of International Financial Institutions (IFIs), various actors have filtered into the daily lives of people across the world and have offered themselves up as options for providing care. I will speak here only of certain health-oriented non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and contract research organizations (CROs) as they relate to neoliberal imperialism.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201c\u2026the militarization of humanitarian aid serves to facilitate the imposition of neoliberal economic policies through the exploitation of weakened states\u2014a strategy known as \u2018disaster capitalism\u2019. Disaster capitalism is a defining feature of US imperialism. It is used to exploit nation states during times of crises and to implement neoliberal corporate policies that favor US capitalism.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cDavid Harvey describes the new imperialism as the imposition of American neoliberal values and policies on other nations (Harvey, 2003). The new imperialist project is supported in part by narratives which aim to produce good neoliberal capitalist subjects both at home and abroad. One of the spaces in which this becomes evident is in the messages, both explicit and implicit, within student or youth-centred volunteer abroad programs. Examinations of the narratives produced by these programs in their recruitment efforts and mission statements reveal deeply ingrained and unquestioned neoliberal values and assumptions. Youth are encouraged to consider self-improvement and individual efforts as solutions to issues of global inequalities, rather than addressing political and economic systems and underlying relationships of exploitation and domination. The language used in these recruitment messages to youth enforces neoliberal, capitalist understandings of the problem of and potential solutions to global inequalities. Problems are thus decontextualized and depoliticized. The messages reinforce a desired image of the Western youth as a powerful actor, an impetus for change, and an inspiration.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
<\/strong>Why, and how, do some people come to feel a need to intervene in the affairs of other nations, and what does it have to do with globalization?<\/p>\n\n
\u201cLet\u2019s pretend, for a moment, that you are a 22-year-old college student in Kampala, Uganda. You\u2019re sitting in class and discreetly scrolling through Facebook on your phone. You see that there has been another mass shooting in the US, this time in a place called San Bernardino. You\u2019ve never heard of it. You\u2019ve never been to the US. But you\u2019ve certainly heard a lot about the gun violence there. It seems like a new mass shooting happens every week. You wonder if you could go there and get stricter gun legislation passed. You\u2019d be a hero to the American people, a problem-solver, a lifesaver. How hard could it be? Maybe there\u2019s a fellowship for high-minded people like you to go to the US after college and train as social entrepreneurs. You could start the nonprofit organisation that ends mass shootings, maybe even win a humanitarian award by the time you are 30. Sound hopelessly naive? Maybe even a little deluded? It is. And yet, it\u2019s not much different from how too many Americans think about social change in the global south.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cTo round up the end of the Global Development Professionals Network 2014 coverage, we\u2019ve taken a more lighthearted look at the development sector and picked 11 of the best spoofs or parodies that have made us chuckle.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cFar from a \u2018neutral charitable strategy\u2019, the Gates Foundation is about benefiting big business, especially in agriculture and health, through its \u2018ideological commitment to promote neoliberal economic policies and corporate globalisation,\u2019 according to the report published by the campaign group\u00a0Global Justice Now<\/strong><\/a>. Its influence is \u2018dangerously skewing\u2019 aid priorities, the group says.<\/p>\n\nGlobalization & \u201cDollar Imperialism\u201d<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
\u201cThis latest round of financial warfare has to be seen in the context of financial imperialism in general. Countries struggling for sovereignty are also being hit by sanctions, speculative currency attacks, commodity price manipulation, biased evaluations from US ratings agencies, massive fines on some banks for what the US has deemed inappropriate practices, and the prohibition of certain banks from participating in the international banking system. All of these weapons \u2013 like their lethal counterparts \u2013 are used toward weakening rivals (whether US allies in the global North or competitors in the global South and East) and maintaining dollar hegemony.\u201d<\/p>\n\nGlobalization & the Spread of US Power<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n
\u201c\u2026.thanks to various treaties and deals set up since 1945, the U.S. government might be legally obligated to defend countries containing 25 percent of the world\u2019s population\u2026.69 countries have some form\u00a0of defense pact with the United States\u2026they make up around 75 percent of the world\u2019s economic output\u2026.the\u00a0combined population of these countries and the United States itself is in excess of\u00a02 billion. That\u2019s\u00a0a remarkably large amount of the world for the\u00a0United States to be obligated to protect, especially considering that the country largely kept clear of alliances for the first 165 years of its existence\u2026.In fact, America\u2019s founding fathers had promised to avoid alliances like this altogether.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cInstances of the United States overthrowing, or attempting to overthrow, a foreign government since the Second World War.|<\/p>\n\n
\u201cThe U.S. is backing Ukraine\u2019s extreme right-wing Svoboda party and violent neo-Nazis whose armed uprising paved the way for a Western-backed coup. Events in the Ukraine are giving us another glimpse through the looking-glass of U.S. propaganda wars against fascism, drugs and terrorism. The ugly reality behind the mirror is that the U.S. government has a long and unbroken record of working with fascists, dictators, druglords and state sponsors of terrorism in every region of the world in its elusive but relentless quest for unchallenged global power.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cExpansion overseas was not a new idea. Even before the war against Mexico carried the United States to the Pacific, the Monroe Doctrine looked southward into and beyond the Caribbean. Issued in 1823 when the countries of Latin America were winning independence from Spanish control, it made plain to European nations that the United States considered Latin America its sphere of influence. Not long after, some Americans began thinking into the Pacific: of Hawaii, Japan, and the great markets of China\u2026.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201c\u2026Robert Kagan, a conservative historian, in\u00a0Dangerous Nation<\/em>\u00a0agrees with Bender on one major point \u2013 that we have always been an imperialist nation and in fact, that we have always been a dangerous nation in the international community. Kagan, however praises the U.S. for this imperialist mission, using the language of American exceptionalism to support our mission\u2026.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
\u201cAuthor Stephen Kinzer\u2019s\u00a0Overthrow: America\u2019s Century of Regime Change From Hawaii to Iraq<\/em>\u00a0is an infuriating recitation of our government\u2019s military bullying over the past 110 years \u2014 a century of interventions around the world that resulted in the overthrow of 14 governments \u2014 in Hawaii, Cuba, the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Vietnam, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras, Panama, Chile, Iran, Grenada, Afghanistan, and \u2026 Iraq.\u201d<\/p>\n\n
Excerpt from\u00a0Stephen Kinzer\u2019s Overthrow: America\u2019s Century of Regime Change From Hawaii to Iraq.<\/p>\n\n
\u201cWhat are the electoral consequences of attempts by great powers to intervene in a partisan manner in another country\u2019s elections? Great powers frequently deploy partisan electoral interventions as a major foreign policy tool. For example, the U.S. and the USSR\/Russia have intervened in one of every nine competitive national level executive elections between 1946 and 2000. However, scant scholarly research has been conducted about their effects on the election results in the target. I argue that such interventions usually significantly increase the electoral chances of the aided candidate and that overt interventions are more effective than covert interventions. I then test these hypotheses utilizing a new, original dataset of all U.S. and USSR\/Russian partisan electoral interventions between 1946 and 2000. I find strong support for both arguments.\u201d<\/p>\n\n